Acid Attacks in Pakistan: What Do the Available Five-Year Statistics Reveal?
Chehra WebDesk
From White Coats to Women’s Disfigured Faces: Acid Attacks in Pakistan, Male Dominance and an Incomplete System of Justice
The attack on Dr Mahnoor Nasir was not merely an act of violence against an individual; it raised serious questions about women’s professional autonomy, their right to say no, and the state’s responsibility to protect them. An examination of five years of available data, psychological factors, legal shortcomings and the situation in India.
The acid attack on Dr Mahnoor Nasir at Civil Hospital Quetta in Balochistan was not simply a brutal assault on a female doctor. It once again raised a troubling question: Are women in Pakistan truly safe as they pursue their education and professional careers? Can a woman’s refusal of a man’s advances, romantic interest, marriage proposal or desire for a relationship condemn her to a lifetime of suffering?
Dr Mahnoor Nasir was undergoing postgraduate training in the field of surgery. On 6 June 2026, she was attacked with acid in the surgical complex of Civil Hospital Quetta. She was initially provided medical assistance before being transferred to Aga Khan University Hospital in Karachi. Subsequently, the Balochistan government announced arrangements to send her to the United States for specialised treatment.
The protests by Dr Shazia Khpalwak and other medical staff following the incident, along with their demands for better hospital security, highlighted another important concern: When even the doctors responsible for saving lives are unsafe at their workplaces, how can public confidence in the healthcare system be maintained?
Dr Shazia’s eyes filled with tears as she spoke about the attack on Dr Mahnoor. Yet her stance raised a clear question: Why are women wearing white coats not safe even inside their own hospitals?
This is not merely a question for Balochistan; it concerns the entire country.
Acid Attacks in Pakistan: What Do the Available Five-Year Statistics Reveal?
More than a decade has passed since Pakistan introduced legislation against acid attacks. Yet, a reliable, consolidated and consistent national database is still needed to establish the true scale of this crime.
According to the available records of the Acid Survivors Foundation Pakistan, 16 acid attack incidents were reported in 2020, followed by 12 in 2021 and 18 in 2022. The corresponding numbers of victims were 22, 19 and 29, respectively.
These figures represent only the incidents recorded by the Foundation. They should not be considered the definitive number of all acid attacks across Pakistan.
For the subsequent years, figures from various government and non-government sources are available; however, it would not be appropriate to combine them into a single continuous dataset.
According to figures presented by the Ministry of Human Rights in the National Assembly in November 2025, records maintained by the National Police Bureau documented 127 acid-throwing incidents across the country between 2021 and 2024.
Meanwhile, figures attributed to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) for 2025 refer to 28 incidents involving 31 victims. Of these, 27 incidents were reported in Punjab and three in Sindh. These figures belong to a separate institutional record and therefore cannot be treated as a direct continuation of the National Police Bureau’s data.
This raises a fundamental question: If different institutions maintain separate figures, who is compiling the actual national count of acid attacks in Pakistan?
The core problem is not just the number of incidents, but also the fragmentation of data.
To establish a comprehensive picture of acid attacks in Pakistan, records maintained by the police, hospitals, police surgeons, prosecution services, courts and the Acid Survivors Foundation need to be brought together.
Incidents in Punjab: Why Do the Statistics Differ?
A separate series of figures on acid attacks in Punjab has emerged from police records.
According to a January 2025 report by Voicepk, based on Punjab Police data:
Interestingly, the Punjab Gender Parity Report 2022, citing the Office of the Inspector General of Punjab Police, recorded 34 incidents in 2021 and 41 in 2022, while some other records report different figures for the same years.
This discrepancy highlights the risks of drawing national-level conclusions without first clarifying how acid attacks are defined, the scope of reporting, the institutional records being used and the methodology followed.
Further investigation is also needed to establish how many incidents involved acid, how many involved other corrosive substances, how many attacks were attempted but prevented or failed, and how many victims never approached the police.
Comparison with India: What Do the Statistics Reveal?
Unlike Pakistan, where records of acid attacks are fragmented across different sources, India’s National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) publishes annual statistics on acid attacks as part of its crime reports.
The available figures for recorded acid attack incidents in India are as follows:
Acid attack attempts were also reported in India, with 68 cases recorded in 2024.
This comparison highlights an important difference. In India, annual national statistics are published with relative consistency, whereas Pakistan’s institutional records contain significant discrepancies.
However, the number of reported incidents alone cannot establish whether acid violence is more or less prevalent in one country than the other. The two countries differ in population size, definitions of offences, reporting practices, police registration procedures and data-collection methods.
India’s experience therefore offers an important lesson for Pakistan, but the figures from the two countries cannot be placed on an identical scale to make a direct assessment of the prevalence of the crime.
A Woman’s Right to Say No and the Concept of Male Ownership: What Lies Behind the Psychology of Violence?
Statistics reveal the scale of this crime, but understanding the mindset behind it is equally important.
In many acid attack cases, the perpetrator and the woman targeted already know each other. In some cases, the reported triggers include rejection of a marriage proposal, refusal to enter a romantic relationship, separation, family disputes or personal revenge.
But this raises a fundamental question: How can a woman’s refusal drive a man to such extreme violence that he attempts to destroy her face, identity and entire life?
According to the views provided by Dr Afridi, a psychologist, several psychological and social factors may contribute to such behaviour. These may include the desire to exert control over women, a sense of ownership, interpreting rejection as a personal humiliation, and a lack of empathy for the suffering of others.
Some men grow up in environments where boys are taught that they have the right to make decisions, while girls are expected to remain subordinate. When discrimination between sons and daughters, domestic violence or opposition to women’s autonomy is normalised from childhood, some individuals may develop the belief that men should have authority over women’s lives and decisions.
In such an environment, when a woman refuses a marriage proposal, a relationship or a personal demand, some individuals may perceive that refusal as a challenge to their authority.
A dangerous mindset can emerge:
If she cannot be mine, she cannot belong to anyone else.
This is not merely an expression of anger. In some cases, it represents an attempt to punish a woman for exercising her autonomy and to maintain control over her.
However, it must be made clear that anger, romantic rejection or the feeling of being rejected does not compel anyone to commit violence. It is also scientifically inaccurate to label every perpetrator as mentally ill. A person’s psychological condition cannot be determined without a proper clinical or forensic assessment.
Are There Warning Signs Before an Attack?
According to Dr Afridi, certain behaviours may precede violence in some cases and should not be ignored. These include:
Repeated threats or stalking.
Pressuring a woman to meet or enter into a relationship.
Threatening to expose private photographs or personal information.
Threatening to harm the woman’s family.
Persistently attempting to contact a woman despite her refusal.
These behaviours do not predict an acid attack in every case, but they should be treated as serious warning signs of potential danger.
The Law Exists, But Where Is Justice?
Pakistan introduced legislation to criminalise acid attacks in 2011 through the Criminal Law (Second Amendment) Act, which inserted Sections 336-A and 336-B into the Pakistan Penal Code.
Section 336-A criminalises causing harm to a person through a corrosive substance, while Section 336-B provides for life imprisonment or imprisonment of not less than 14 years, along with a fine, for this offence. According to the legal explanation provided by the Punjab Commission on the Status of Women, the minimum fine is Rs500,000.
But the existence of a law and its effective implementation are two different things.
From the perspective of legal experts, several fundamental questions need to be examined:
Does the police register every complaint of an acid attack promptly under the correct legal provisions?
Is forensic testing of the chemical used in an attack completed without delay?
Are women survivors provided with adequate protection during investigations and court proceedings?
Do prosecution services have the specialised training and resources required to pursue such cases?
Are survivors provided with practical financial assistance for long-term medical treatment, reconstructive surgery, psychological rehabilitation and legal support?
These questions cannot be answered simply by reading the relevant legal provisions. Their answers must emerge from case records and the experiences of lawyers working on such cases.
National Assembly Committee Report: Why Was Further Improvement in the Law Considered Necessary?
An important development emerged in connection with the Acid and Burn Crime Bill, 2024.
On 8 April 2025, the National Assembly Standing Committee on Interior recommended the passage of the bill in its report. The proposed legislation included additional measures relating to acid and burn-related offences, speedy justice, medical treatment and rehabilitation of survivors, psychological support and legal protection.
The bill sought to extend the concept of rehabilitation beyond medical treatment, recognising psychological assistance and the survivor’s return to an active life in society as important priorities.
However, a recommendation by a National Assembly standing committee cannot be described as an enacted law applicable throughout Pakistan. The committee report limited the proposed legislation’s application to the Islamabad Capital Territory. Its current legislative status and any subsequent parliamentary proceedings must be independently verified.
Court Cases: How Effective Is the Threat of Punishment?
The number of registered cases alone is not enough to assess the performance of the justice system. It is also necessary to examine how many cases resulted in the submission of charge sheets, how many reached trial, how many accused persons were convicted and how many cases have remained pending for extended periods.
According to India’s National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data for 2023, 735 acid attack cases involving women victims were pending trial, including 649 cases that had remained pending from previous years.
These figures demonstrate that judicial delays can remain a serious problem even where strict laws are in place.
Pakistan also needs a separate system for judicial monitoring of acid attack cases, with publicly available records of case outcomes and conviction rates.
This raises an important investigative question: How many people accused in acid attack cases in Pakistan between 2021 and 2025 have been convicted, and how many cases are still pending before the courts?
The answer should be sought from the Ministry of Law, prosecution departments, provincial high courts and district court records.
Access to Acid: Where Does the Perpetrator Obtain This Weapon?
Preventing this crime requires more than punishing the perpetrator. The system governing the sale, purchase and use of acid and other corrosive substances must also be examined.
Pakistan’s 2011 legislation also provides for punishment for the unauthorised sale of corrosive substances. However, it is important to determine how effectively sales records are maintained in shops, industrial supply businesses and chemical markets, and how many enforcement actions are taken against those who violate the law.
Three fundamental questions need to be investigated:
Are all relevant businesses selling acid registered and subject to an effective monitoring system?
Are buyers’ identities, quantities purchased and intended uses recorded?
How many cases of illegal sales have been registered over the past five years, and how many people have been convicted?
If the sale of a hazardous substance is not effectively regulated, obtaining it may remain relatively easy for a potential attacker.
Life After an Acid Attack: Is Justice Only About Punishment?
An acid attack takes place within moments, but its consequences can last for decades.
Damage to the skin, eyes, face and other parts of the body can affect not only a survivor’s health but also their daily life, education, employment, family relationships and social identity.
In Dr Mahnoor Nasir’s case, her transfer to Karachi and arrangements for treatment abroad raised hopes for her medical recovery. But an important question remains: Does every woman who survives an acid attack in Pakistan have access to the same level of medical care?
Are specialised burn units, reconstructive surgery, eye treatment, psychological support and long-term rehabilitation programmes available for such patients in public hospitals?
A survivor needs more than emergency medical assistance. Long-term treatment, financial support, legal assistance and social acceptance are also essential.
Therefore, the state’s response to acid violence should not be assessed solely on the basis of how many suspects have been arrested. It must also be judged by the measures taken to help survivors rebuild their lives.
Fundamental Questions for the State and Society
Dr Mahnoor Nasir’s case is the story of a woman who pursued a medical education, chose to advance in the field of surgery and sought to improve people’s lives through her profession.
Yet the attack against her points to a troubling reality: the path to professional autonomy remains fraught with danger for women.
Dr Shazia Khpalwak’s grief for her colleague and her demand for protection reflect the wider dimensions of this problem.
It is not enough to treat acid violence as an isolated criminal incident and then move on. It is necessary to examine the factors behind it, including male dominance, the perception of women as property, intolerance of rejection, the availability of dangerous chemicals, weak oversight and delays in the delivery of justice.
In a society where women have the right to make their own decisions, their refusal cannot be treated as an invitation to violence.
The question is not why a woman said no. The real question is: How did a man convince himself that he had the right to destroy her life in response to that refusal?
Until this question is addressed through law, institutions, social attitudes and practical accountability, even women wearing white coats and holding academic degrees and professional identities will continue to question whether they are safe.
Real prevention will only become possible when threats are not dismissed as romantic matters or personal disputes, but are met with timely legal action.
